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Musk and Mamdani: The End of Harsh Capitalism?

In opposite ways, Musk and Mamdani pose the same question

EL CENTRAL by EL CENTRAL
November 13, 2025
in Español, Opinion, Politics
Reading Time: 8 mins read
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  • Robert Reich
  • November 13, 2025
Español Abajo

Last week, two things happened that may shed some light on where American capitalism is heading.

First, Tesla’s board caved in to Elon Musk’s demand that he get a pay package of $1 trillion (if he meets various goals).

Musk’s trillion-dollar pay package is so grotesque as to make a mockery of the most ardent free-market capitalists. Although his board is stuffed with cronies and relatives, he still had to hold it hostage to get his trillion — threatening that if he didn’t, his attention would wander elsewhere. Other Tesla shareholders got shafted.

Second, the voters of New York City — the capital of world capitalism — elected as their mayor a Democratic Socialist who thinks billionaires shouldn’t exist.

New York’s oligarchs spent more than $55 million trying to defeat Mamdani and get Andrew Cuomo elected instead. With Cuomo winning just under 855,000 votes, that came to about $65 per vote. Total spending for Mamdani was about $16 million. With Mamdani winning more than 1 million votes, that came to about $15 per vote.

One can’t draw vast conclusions from all this, but Musk’s bizarre pay package and Mamdani’s unlikely win together suggest that the unique form of harsh capitalism now practiced in America may be coming to an end.

No other advanced capitalist nation subjects its working families to as much fear and uncertainty over jobs, wages, health, and retirement as does America. None tolerates nearly the same inequalities of income and wealth (although some are moving in our direction). Musk’s pay and Mamdani’s victory are exhibits A and B.

Harsh American capitalism has become unsustainable, politically and economically.

Unsustainable politically

The bottom 80 percent, whose paychecks haven’t kept up with inflation, have grown increasingly angry. That anger has infused both political parties with fierce antiestablishment populism and fostered deep distrust in all political institutions.

In 2016, much of the voting public went with Bernie Sanders or Donald Trump — two outsiders who at the time were neither Democrat nor Republican but who told voters what they already suspected: that the system was rigged against them. Both candidates promised fundamental change.

Unfortunately for America and the world, the corporate and Wall Street wing of the Democratic Party put an end to Sanders’s candidacy — leaving Trump to talk about the rigged market and convince voters he was on their side. In reality, he was and has remained on the side of the billionaires.

Antiestablishment populism continues to be the most powerful political force in America, within both parties.

Last Tuesday, Democratic populists prevailed. Even the so-called “moderate” Democrats who won the governorships of Virginia and New Jersey targeted utilities, AI data centers that demand huge amounts of electricity, big corporations that collude to keep rents high, and pharmaceutical middlemen that have been driving up drug prices — all populist targets.

Unsustainable economically

When so much of the nation’s income and wealth moves to the top, the rest of the public doesn’t have enough purchasing power to keep the economy going.

The richest 10 percent now account for half of all spending in the United States (up from a third three decades ago). And much of that spending is based on their stock market holdings, whose value has been soaring.

But it’s a house of cards. The stock market is now dependent on a handful of highly speculative stocks — centering on AI, big tech, and crypto — that could burst at any time, bringing down both the stock market and the confidence of many who are now keeping the economy going.

Trump’s unpredictable tariffs and his tax breaks and tax loopholes for the rich have added to the fragility — causing employers to hold back from making major investments due to uncertainty and forcing consumers to struggle with rising prices for food, energy, clothing, and other necessities.

What does this mean?

Musk’s success in getting a trillion-dollar pay package, coupled with the failure of corporate and Wall Street titans to prevent Mamdani from becoming the next mayor of the capital of global capitalism, don’t signal a sudden end to America’s system of harsh capitalism.

Rather, the two events are signposts to where that system is likely heading — not toward a socialist revolution but to a softer form of capitalism, more in line with advanced capitalism elsewhere around the world.

In the 1930s, Franklin D. Roosevelt saved capitalism from its excesses. His social insurance, public investments, and high taxes on the wealthy paved the way for the largest middle class the world had ever seen, in the first three decades after World War II.

But America got off that road in the 1980s and has been veering farther away from it since then. In opposite ways, both Musk and Mamdani pose the same question: Are we ready to get back on?

Musk y Mamdani: ¿El fin del capitalismo salvaje?

Desde perspectivas opuestas, Musk y Mamdani plantean la misma pregunta.

La semana pasada ocurrieron dos hechos que podrían arrojar luz sobre el rumbo del capitalismo estadounidense.

Primero, la junta directiva de Tesla cedió ante la exigencia de Elon Musk de recibir un paquete salarial de un billón de dólares (si cumple con ciertos objetivos).

El paquete salarial de un billón de dólares de Musk es tan desmesurado que ridiculiza incluso a los más fervientes defensores del libre mercado. Aunque su junta está repleta de allegados y familiares, aun así tuvo que tomarla como rehén para conseguir su billón, amenazando con que, de no hacerlo, su atención se desviaría a otra parte. Otros accionistas de Tesla salieron perjudicados.

Segundo, los votantes de la ciudad de Nueva York, la capital del capitalismo mundial, eligieron como alcalde a un socialista demócrata que cree que los multimillonarios no deberían existir.

Los oligarcas neoyorquinos gastaron más de 55 millones de dólares intentando derrotar a Mamdani y lograr la elección de Andrew Cuomo. Dado que Cuomo obtuvo poco menos de 855.000 votos, esto equivale a unos 65 dólares por voto. El gasto total de Mamdani fue de aproximadamente 16 millones de dólares. Dado que Mamdani obtuvo más de un millón de votos, esto equivale a unos 15 dólares por voto.

No se pueden extraer conclusiones definitivas de todo esto, pero el peculiar paquete salarial de Musk y la inesperada victoria de Mamdani sugieren que la singular forma de capitalismo despiadado que se practica actualmente en Estados Unidos podría estar llegando a su fin.

Ninguna otra nación capitalista avanzada somete a sus familias trabajadoras a tanta incertidumbre y temor respecto al empleo, los salarios, la salud y la jubilación como Estados Unidos. Ninguna tolera desigualdades de ingresos y riqueza tan marcadas (aunque algunas se están acercando). El salario de Musk y la victoria de Mamdani son ejemplos claros de ello.

El capitalismo estadounidense despiadado se ha vuelto insostenible, tanto política como económicamente.

Insostenible políticamente:

El 80% más pobre de la población, cuyos salarios no han seguido el ritmo de la inflación, está cada vez más indignado. Esta indignación ha infundido a ambos partidos políticos un feroz populismo antisistema y ha fomentado una profunda desconfianza en todas las instituciones políticas.

En 2016, gran parte del electorado se decantó por Bernie Sanders o Donald Trump, dos candidatos ajenos al sistema que, en aquel momento, no eran ni demócratas ni republicanos, pero que les hicieron saber a los votantes lo que ya sospechaban: que el sistema estaba amañado en su contra. Ambos candidatos prometieron un cambio radical.

Desafortunadamente para Estados Unidos y el mundo, el ala corporativa y de Wall Street del Partido Demócrata puso fin a la candidatura de Sanders, dejando a Trump la tarea de hablar sobre el mercado manipulado y convencer a los votantes de que estaba de su lado. En realidad, estaba y sigue estando del lado de los multimillonarios.

El populismo antisistema continúa siendo la fuerza política más poderosa en Estados Unidos, dentro de ambos partidos.

El martes pasado, los populistas demócratas se impusieron. Incluso los llamados demócratas “moderados” que ganaron las gobernaciones de Virginia y Nueva Jersey arremetieron contra las empresas de servicios públicos, los centros de datos de inteligencia artificial que consumen enormes cantidades de electricidad, las grandes corporaciones que se confabulan para mantener los alquileres altos y los intermediarios farmacéuticos que han estado disparando los precios de los medicamentos: todos ellos objetivos del populismo.

Insostenible económicamente

Cuando gran parte de los ingresos y la riqueza del país se concentra en la cima, el resto de la población carece del poder adquisitivo suficiente para sostener la economía.

El 10% más rico ahora controla la mitad del gasto total en Estados Unidos (frente a un tercio hace tres décadas). Y gran parte de ese gasto se basa en sus inversiones en bolsa, cuyo valor se ha disparado.

Pero es un castillo de naipes. El mercado bursátil depende ahora de un puñado de acciones altamente especulativas —centradas en la IA, las grandes tecnológicas y las criptomonedas— que podrían desplomarse en cualquier momento, provocando el derrumbe tanto del mercado como de la confianza de muchos que actualmente mantienen la economía a flote.

Los aranceles impredecibles de Trump y sus exenciones y lagunas fiscales para los ricos han agravado la fragilidad, provocando que los empresarios retengan las grandes inversiones debido a la incertidumbre y obligando a los consumidores a lidiar con el aumento de los precios de los alimentos, la energía, la ropa y otros productos de primera necesidad.

¿Qué significa esto?

El éxito de Musk al conseguir un paquete salarial de un billón de dólares, sumado al fracaso de los titanes corporativos y de Wall Street para impedir que Mamdani se convirtiera en el próximo alcalde de la capital del capitalismo global, no presagian el fin repentino del sistema estadounidense de capitalismo despiadado.

Más bien, ambos acontecimientos señalan hacia dónde se dirige probablemente ese sistema: no hacia una revolución socialista, sino hacia una forma de capitalismo más moderada, más acorde con el capitalismo avanzado de otras partes del mundo.

En la década de 1930, Franklin D. Roosevelt salvó al capitalismo de sus excesos. Su sistema de seguridad social, las inversiones públicas y los altos impuestos a los ricos allanaron el camino para la mayor clase media que el mundo había visto hasta entonces, en las tres primeras décadas posteriores a la Segunda Guerra Mundial.

Pero Estados Unidos se desvió de ese camino en la década de 1980 y desde entonces se ha alejado cada vez más. De maneras opuestas, tanto Musk como Mamdani plantean la misma pregunta: ¿Estamos listos para retomar el rumbo?

Tags: Capitalismeconomy
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